Three pillars of modern society We have already discussed two of the main pillars of modern society: industrialization and urbanization. Modern society is urban industrial society. This great transformation began about 300 years ago in the West and is continuing today throughout the world at what some feel is an exponential pace. But there is a third pillar of modern
society as well, something in addition to urbanization and industrialization
that distinguishes our age. It is generally called bureaucratization,
but that term may be too limited or too tainted. More generally we
have seen the rise of what we call modern organizations, complex organizations,
formal organizations or large-scale organizations.
Revealed and Empirical Truth: The rise of science and the distinction between science and religion As the western world came into the
urban-industrial transition, there also arose a new way of thinking about
things, a scientific way of thinking. This involved the use of observation
and critical (theoretical) thinking to discover the truth. In the
Western world this involved a break with the Church, bringing a powerful
distinction between science and religion. Religion relies on sacred
texts and prophets to reveal the truth. Science relies on observation
and theory to arrive at a truth we call empirical.
The rise of social science, and the observation of new forms of relationships. Mathematics and astronomy emerged first, followed later by physics, chemistry, biology, and geology. But science did not stop with what we call the natural world. Observations (systematic, scientific) moved to the human or social world as well and we saw the rise of anthropology, economics, political science, psychology and sociology, especially in the late 18th and 19th centuries. Some of the first empirical observations
of the social sciences had to do with the changing relations between people
that were brought about by the urban-industrial revolution. Here
are some of the terms commonly used in these discoveries of the great differences
between the old society and the new emerging society.
All were saying that in the old society there was a great deal of face to face interaction over long periods of time. People knew each other as full and complete persons. They lived a lifetime together. They saw each other grow up and perform all manner of tasks. The community was, in effect, a collection of human beings. In the new society people came together
not as full individuals but as specialized role players: worker and
boss, merchant and customer, police and public, teacher and student.
Organizations are not collections of persons or human beings, they are
collections of roles, or of people playing specialized roles.
Modern Organizations What produced, underlay, and caused this change was the rise modern organizations. These are collections of people that are oriented to action, and have specialized and limited goals. In effect, they are collections not of people but of specialized roles. We can trace the modern organization to the 12th century, and can find traces of it in many societies at different times. But only in the modern world, Max Weber said the 19th century, did the modern form of organization come to dominate all forms of human social relationships. Today modern (formal, complex, bureaucratic) organizations dominate all aspects of our lives. Birth, education, work, marriage, sickness, death are all dominated by some modern organization. Organizations are everywhere, performing all manner of tasks, embracing most of human life and drawing everyone into them to a very large degree. Think about this in another way.
What is not a modern organization? What kind of social relationship
involve total persons, not just people playing a specialized role?
The Power of Modern Organizations It is difficult to overestimate the power of these new forms of organization. Let me give just two examples, from the realms of military and finances. In both cases the new organizations brought together not full persons, but the specialized and limited roles that people played. The powers of a modern military organization. (note 1.)In all of these cases, which were replicated over and over as Europe expanded its overseas empires, a major factor was the superior organization of the European military. For the Spanish conquest of the Aztecs and Incas, disease also played a major role, as did the military technology (horses, cannons and personal armor), but the military organization was especially important. The dominance of modern organization was much more pronounced in the British conquest of India, where Indians were quick to obtain cannons from the Europeans. This modern military organization
emerged from the 15th through the 19th centuries. It was based on
a division of labor, specialization of tasks and a close integration of
the different tasks. These armies used specialized units of infantry, cavalry
and artillery, closed integrated into a single fighting force by a unified
command with rationally developed strategies and battle field tactics.
On the field of battle they faced traditional armies that were most often
mere masses of individual fighters and heroes.
The Power of modern financial
organization.
With this legal invention, it became possible to bring together huge amounts of capital to finance new productive organizations. Analyzing organizations: goals, compliance structures and technologies How are we to think about these organizations? How can we analyze them; ask what they are doing and how they are doing? How can we assess their performance? These are central questions in the rapidly growing field of organizational analysis in all the social sciences and in a wide range of professional areas from business administration to defense, government, medicine and health, and to science itself. Goals and Compliance Structures One useful set of analytical categories begins with the observation that any modern organization must induce people to acts in ways it wishes them to act, to get people to do what the organization (or its leaders) want them to do. How do we induce people to do what we want them to do? By the use of some kind of power. This analytical system thus focuses on the kinds of power organizations use. (note 2.) There are three types of power:
Organizational goals can be similarly analyzed in a three-part classification.
Economic power is used primarily in a positive, and marginal, manner. Gradients of awards are given according to similar gradients in time and effort given to the organization. This power also relies on the utility of money. If people don’t need (or want) money, it is difficult to induce them to work for you. Under many colonial regimes this resulted in a deliberate taxation policy, which gave native populations previously living in nearly pure subsistence economies to need money. Once they needed money to pay taxes, colonial leaders could induce them to work in mines and plantations. Cultural power is used both negatively (damning or excommunicating the sinners, or giving low or failing grades) and positively (praising the virtuous, and giving high grades). But not this. Before such rewards and punishments can be used, the individual must first come to believe in their value. Religious power is impotent against unbelievers. Grades mean nothing to someone not using the education system to gain advancement. By the time students enter the university, for example, they have endured 12 years of training and conditioning, leading them to believe that an A is better than a B, C, D, or E. Another observation proposes that these goals and compliance structures fit well together. It is difficult to mix the two. Prisoners are usually not very effective workers; using force to get people to produce things is not very efficient. (note 3.) If you wish to produce things efficiently it is better to pay people to do work for you. Physical power is not very effective
to make people believe as you wish them to believe. Nor is economic
power.
Technology There is yet another dimension by which organizations differ: in the technology they use to accomplish their aims. Moreover, as organizations move through time, they experience a kind of natural history. They evolve, often moving increasingly to a distinctive type of technology, which tends to restrict the things they can do. There are many different typologies of technologies, and none is very effective. Technologies are best described close to the day to day behavior and realities of an organization. But we can give a few examples that might be useful. American automobile manufacturing is dominated by mass-production technology. It is quite effective in producing large numbers of very similar products at relatively low cost. This is why it has been adopted throughout the world. But if one wishes to produce a distinctive and high quality type of automobile, this technology does not work very well. To produce a “hand-crafted” motor car, auto manufacturers must create specialized organizations that can develop the specific technology for hand-crafted cars. More relevant to our discussions of development, the World Bank is one of the world’s leading organizations attempting to promote economic development. It is staffed primarily by economists, whose distinctive technology is assessing the returns to investment. Moreover, its mandate focuses on what is often considered the major cause of underdevelopment, the lack of capital. Thus development needs the infusion of foreign capital, especially to pay for the costs of importing technology to an economically backward country. This is very useful if you need to build ports, roads, railroads and factories. It is not very useful to address problems of poverty, poor health, or many forms of agricultural development, or social development. In lecture we will consider further examples of different technologies and how the shape what an organization does. Governments can be usefully compared using this three-part classification. Governments must do many things: maintain order and security; produce various goods and services; and develop laws and institutions, such as education, that create and pass on a culture from one generation to another. Note that governments typically develop different specialized organizations to carry out these different tasks. From this we can begin to analyze the goals of government by asking what resources they put into these different tasks. Heavy emphasis on the military and police indicate a strongly custodial government. Heavy emphasis on production indicates more economic goals. A heavy emphasis on education and science or religion indicates am emphasis on cultural or social goals. But each of these specializations carries with it s distinctive technology, and perhaps more important, gives power to those who specialize in that technology. Think of a series of countries and
how you might classify their general goals, the kind of technologies they
use and the people who wield power. We shall deal with these extensively
in class presentations.
Global Capital Movements: Foreign Aid and Foreign Direct Investment. One of the major forces moving the modern world is the international flow of capital. Marx remarked on this and made it a centerpiece of his views of the spread of capitalism. You can see in his 1848 Communist Manifesto a succinct and powerful vision of how the inexorable spread of capitalism was revolutionizing the entire world. Almost all modern historians, social scientists, especially economists, have noted the same thing. Private individuals and companies have amassed great quantities of capital and have moved it around the world to produce various forms of economic development. In the past half century, however, we have seen the rise of a new type of organizational system in the globalization of capital flows. Before 1950 international capital flows were dominated by the private sector. Banks and companies have moved capital abroad to earn interest and to build productive capacities (factories, farms, plantations etc.). Since about 1950, we have seen the rise of public capital flows that have been in some respects revolutionary. They begin with the Marshall Plan, a US program of to move capital first to Europe to rebuild the continent after the devastation of WW II. But the program quickly moved beyond Europe to encompass the entire world. It came to be called “foreign aid,” today an extensive system national organizations to move capital. Today there are some 25-30 countries that provide foreign aid as part of their normal functions. The largest group is the 17 countries bound together in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), with its headquarters in Paris. (note 4.) In addition the major oil producing nations have created the Organization of Oil Producers (OPEC), adding another nine countries that provide some forms of foreign aid. (note 5.) For the past four decades, these public capital flows have been a major feature of the process of globalization. They have been revolutionary in a number of ways. First, the Marshall Plan and the program of US foreign aid represented a radical change in international relations. Typically, a conquering country in a war took as much wealth (booty, loot) as it could possibly carry from the vanquished country. When a country lost a war it could expect to be looted. Nazi Germany and Japan did this to their conquests in 1939-44. At the end of World War II, however, the conquering countries (“The Allies” but essentially the United States) undertook to rebuild the conquered countries. Today the two major conquered nations of WWII, German and Japan, are the second and third largest economies in the world. They were essentially rebuilt by their conquerors. The reasons for this revolutionary approach to the vanquished countries are mixed and complex. They can be classified under our three major power or goal headings. Reconstruction was good for security, business and values.
International capital flows can be
conceived of as moving through four types of organizational carriers, illustrated
in the following diagram.
In addition, there are many international organizations, like the United Nations, World Bank, and Regional Development Banks, which receive funds from the major country donors, and distribute these to less developed countries. Again, there are many specialized agencies, like the United National Development Fund, the UN Population Fund, World Health Organization, Food and Agricultural Organization, etc. Specialization is everywhere. NGOs, or Non-Governmental Organizations, also include a wide variety of specialized private organizations that provide assistance. There are environmental organizations, like WWF, population organizations like the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), religious organizations (like Catholic Relief), and more, again usually specialized in some form of development assistance. The World Bank is an autonomous United Nations organization that provides both low or interest free loans and loans at commercial rates for development activities. The Bank draws its funds from the major OECD donor countries. Finally there are both private banks that make loans to foreign governments and private companies that invest directly in productive activities abroad. These are usually planned to earn returns at market rates. Below are charts showing an estimate
of the annual and cumulative flow of ODA since 1960 in both current and
constant prices. The latter is a very rough estimate, as I used the
US 1982-4 consumer price index to deflate the current dollar amounts of
ODA. Much of the ODA, however, is provided in non-dollar funds, such
as Japanese Yen, Swedish Kroner, or Dutch Guilders. My use of the
US CPI assumes that other countries, both donor and recipient, had the
same price changes we had, which was clearly not the case. There
is, however, no way to make this estimate more precise, since funds given
are used to pay for goods and services that come from a large number of
different countries.
As you can see, there has been a very substantial capital flow attempting to promote development. ODA hovered around 20 million dollars a year from 1960 to about 1975, then rose rapidly to around 40 million and has fluctuated around that level since then. Cumulatively, the total flow has amounted to about one trillion dollars. Now you must ask whether, or how
much, this large flow of funds has promoted economic development, what
kind of development it has promoted, and what the impact of this has been
on human welfare and on the environment?
Notes to the text
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